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https://w.atwiki.jp/cosmichistory/pages/45.html
[This was originally a reply to "M.M" michio@k... in a discussion on Prout and some other options. I have translated it into English upon his request.] If it looked like a big problem to you, M.M, you could go as far back as Hegel and remove him off your path of philosophical development. You could, of course, add to Hegel as well. Likewise, where Sarkar and Batra have missed something, we can add things in. If you add basic income or negative income tax to Prout, it will be free from the biggest defect it currently has. No economic philosophy will make its way toward social implementation without providing carefully worked-out compensational policies. Few Proutists have understood it yet. In the process of Prout implementation, society changes and this means some people will be driven out of their positions. For example, military-related workers and institutional investors will decrease in number. And there will be fewer salespeople in those sectors, too. A shrinking field means a fiercer competition. Some will have to give up their career and work elsewhere. And yet if the basic income or the negative income tax should be provided here, each worker will be able to be trained or re-educated and keep up their efforts to re-enter the competition until they feel they have fully done what they can and be able to accept the outcome, be it a success or not. Such compensational policies are especially essential in putting into practice policies of explicitly planned economy. People usually accept a shift in their career as part of reality in life if it has been caused by a defeat in free competition. But a shift in career caused by reason of someone s philosophy or policies is quite unacceptable. (I live on trading stocks. Should the Prout implementation reach 100% and all production be achieved through cooperative associations, my income will drop to zero. On that very day, without a basic income or negative income tax system implemented side by side along the Prout systems, I will be forced to work on a job that some Prout organizers have chosen against my will. In such a case, I will be much less happy as I don t have employee fitness and aptidude.)
https://w.atwiki.jp/gtav/pages/3073.html
イエティ・ハント（Yeti Hunt） 概要 動画 概要 「チョップ・ショップ」アップデートで追加された年末年始期間限定収集要素。2023年12月21日解禁。チリアド自然保護区で未知の生物の手掛かりを探す。手掛かり1箇所毎に$10,000・1,000RPが手に入る。近くに行くとタナ―という人物からメッセージが届き、マップに白いサークルと「？」が表示される。 手掛かりの周囲では鼓動音が聞こえ、コントローラーが弱めに振動する。 手掛かりを5つすべて発見すると、チリアド自然保護区に午後9時～午前6時の間にイエティが出現し、これを倒すと追加で$50,000とイエティのコスチュームが手に入る。イエティは耐久力が高く、ヘッドショット無効 ハイパーアーマー持ち。武器は装備していないがキック攻撃の威力が高く、一撃で大きく吹っ飛ばされるため一度蹴られると復帰が間に合わずそのまま転がされ続ける。 マップに赤いドクロマークで表示されるので、ミニガンを構えて待ち伏せすれば簡単に倒せる。 以下のサイトのマップにイエティの手掛かりの位置が表示されている。https //gtaweb.eu/gtao-map/ls/-/yeti ※2023年12月21日現在、イエティのコスチュームをアクションメニュー内で着替えると、その後イエティから着替えられないバグ が発生している。 アパート等の物件内のクローゼットで着替えれば他の服装に戻せるので安心してほしい。 誰が言ったかイエティの呪いである タナーからのメッセージ 狩りはするか？森の中に何かいる。熊じゃないぞ。マジで。殺されかけたからな。皮を取ってくるまで信じてもらえない。 でも取ってきたら大儲けだ。 動画
https://w.atwiki.jp/stalker_soc/pages/18.html
PDAの内容とか 当然の事ながらネタばれ注意！ 日本語訳はSFPS Ver.3.30同梱の日本語化MODによる。 personal notewho am I First impressions The first deep raid The trader's useful information Meeting Fox Meeting Seriy Meeting Mole Strelok's stash Military documents Barkeep Lab X18 A strange dream So the Brain Scorcher is man-made? One step away form Ghost One more puzzle The second dream After meeting with the Psycho Guide The Scorcher is done with Pripyat stash カットされた？ personal noteThe legend of the wish-granting machine Meeting with the Doctor Turn off the Monolith personal note who am I damn it,it s all a haze now I remember a car they drove me somewhere for a long time and my whole body hurt there was darkness what happened before that? I ve there was darkness I ve no idea so confused now this fat guy calls me the marked one. probably because of the strange tattoo on my arm. and then there s this weird mission to kill some guy called strelok on my PDA... is it even my PDA? Looking at strelok s photo I m not even sure if I knew him or not... Damit! It s all like a bad dream you can t wake up from! what to do? where to go? And worst of all. Who am I? OK,OK, calm down, control yourself, The first thing I ll have to do is do some jobs for this sidorovich. He claims to have saved my life after all... That shouldn t be too bad I ll take a walk, calm down my self and perhaps my head will be clearer. ■俺は誰だ？ くそっ！ぼんやりして何も解らん。 トラックに乗せられて… 何処からか長い時間、走ってた気がする。 それで怪我をおっていた事だけは覚えている。 乗せられる前は何してたんだ？ とにかく何も覚えていない。 この男が俺を「印付き」って呼ぶから混乱してる。 多分、腕に刻まれた意味の解らない刺青のせいだろう。 それと、「Strelok を殺せ」と PDA に書かれていた… そもそも俺の PDA なのか？ Strelok の写ってる写真を見たが、そもそも、こいつを知ってるのかどうかすら解らん！ 畜生！ 悪夢から醒めないみたいだぜ！ どうすりゃ良いんだ？ 何処へ行けば良いんだ？ 一番クソッタレだが、俺は誰なんだ？ 少し落ち着こう、冷静にな。 まず、この Sidorovich とかいう奴の簡単な仕事とやらを片付けよう。 俺の命をなんとか助けたって言い張ってるからな。 まあ、少し位、様子をみるのも良いだろう。 落ち着いてれば、記憶もはっきりとして来るはずだ。 First impressions well,well... Got some fresh air, saw the local wildlife... interestingly I seem to remember some of it already , but it s all in haze... had a chance to try the local "amusement" called anomalies... Judging by the fact that i survived I ve probably come across them before, but my brain stubbornly refuses to remember... sidorovich is one clever bastard - he knows he can use me almost for free and that s exactly what he wants to do. still, maybe he ll help me find this bloody strelok fella,,, he s my only connection with my past. ■第一印象 ふーむ…… 少し外の空気を吸いに行って、動物やらを見たんだが…… 面白い事に、微かだが覚えがある様な気がする。 たが、ハッキリとは思い出せない…… ここでは、「お楽しみ」って呼ばれてる異常現象にも出くわした。 生き残ったと言う事は、多分、異常現象を切り抜けた事があるはずなんだが…、 思い出そうとしても思い出す事が出来ない。 Sidorovich は、頭の良い野郎だ―― 奴は、俺をタダ同然で使うつもりでいるらしい…、 使いたがってんだろうな。 だが… Sidorovich は、Strelok を探す時に役立つはずだ…… 俺にとって Sidorovich だけが、過去の俺との唯一の接点だからな。 The first deep raid So, I am going on my first deep raid into the Zone. the target is the Agroprom Research institute. I need to recover some documents belonging to a military expedition. Apart from the mission the trader gave me some information about an area to the north, on the way to the Zone s center, where the "brains boil"... Probably more of a legend than a fact, but since there s clearly something wrong with my head i probably should take a look at it and talk to some people. You never know - maybe I ve been there before... Also, the trader told me that strelok discovered a way to get through the area and the traders want to know it. their reasons are clear - they want to access untouched artifact fields. well, I m going to help them, I guess. ■最初の深部襲撃 さて、初めて Zone の深くに潜ってみる事になった。 目的地は、Agroprom 研究施設。軍調査団の書類を回収しなきゃならない。 任務とは関係ないが、トレーダーが Zone 中心に向けて北に続く地域について情報をくれた。 Zone 中心には、"Brains Boil" があるってんだが… きっと事実じゃなくて噂なんだろう。だが、どうも違和感がある。 色々話しかけてみるべきだろうな。 トレーダーは、Strelok が Zone 中心まで抜ける道を見つけて、 トレーダー達がその道を知りたがっているって言っていた。 どうしてかってのは簡単だ。 未開のアーティファクトがある場所に行きたいんだろ。ま、手伝とするか…。 The trader s useful information Hmm... The trader didn t let me down and I m grateful to him - he gave me a leg up in my search for strelok. Apparently a stalker called Fox has shown up nearby and he s asking for help. Sidorovich thinks Fox might know Strelok. ■トレーダーの役立つ情報 ふむ… Sidorovich は、俺を失望させなかった。Sidorovich に感謝している。 Sidorovich は、Strelok を探す為の支援をしてくれた。 どうやら Fox と呼ばれる Stalker が現れたらしく助けを求めているらしい。 Sidorovich は、Fox が Strelok を知っているかも知れないと言っていた。 Meeting Fox I met up with Fox. It s that bad news, good news scenario. The bad news is that he knows little about strelok. The good news is that his brother called seriy knows more. It seems Seriy is in a hangar about 2 kilometers North of here, in some dump full of radioactive waste. My task is clear get there before he leaves. ■Foxとの出会い 俺は、Fox と出会った。悪いニュースと良いニュースがある。 悪いニュースは、奴が Strelok に関して少ししか知らなかったという事。 良いニュースは、Seriy って名の奴の兄弟が、もう少し詳しく知っているという事だ。 Seriy は、ここからおよそ 2km 北へ向かった先にある。放射性の廃棄物で一杯のバンカーにいるらしい。 俺がやるべき事は、明白、Seriy が居なくなる前にそこへ行く事だ。 Meeting Seriy My hopes of learning something about Strelok must be put on hold for a while longer Seriy sent me to meet a stalker called Mole; who apparently knows the location of Strelok’s secret stash... Not much, but if he’s right, at least I would have something... Who knows, maybe I’ll learn something useful there. ■Seriy に会う Strelok について何か分かるかも知れないと言う俺の望みは、 しばらく、お預けになるだろう。 Seriy は、俺に Mole という Stalker に会えと言った。 どうやら、そいつが Strelok の秘密の隠し場所について知っているらしい。 もし、そいつが正しければ、少なくとも何か分かるだろう…。 何か役に立つ物があるはずだ。 それが何であるのか誰にも分からないが。 Meeting Mole Well, meeting Mole paid off - it seems that the group’s stash really exists and it’s located in the catacombs below the Institute... I’ll have to go there. I don’t know what I’ll find there... but I hope this stash helps me solve my own mystery... ■Mole に会う どうやら、Moleに会った甲斐があった様だ。 何らかのグループの隠し場所というのは実在する様だ。 Institute の地下の墓地にあるらしい…。 そこに何があるか分からないが、 行かなければならないだろう…。 俺自身の謎を解決する手助けになる事を祈る。 Strelok s stash Well, it seems that the stash gave me a new direction to follow. I found a flash drive with what appears to be a diary used by Strelok’s group. Despite the few entries, I could work out that the group had two other members; Ghost and Fang. The diary also mentioned a "mutual friend" but I don’t know whether he was part of the group. He definitely helped them out, that’s for sure. According to Ghost’s entry, Fang died when they were ambushed. So, at last, I have something solid the name of someone who definitely knows Strelok - Ghost. As for Strelok himself, he may be somewhere in the North of the Zone. ■Strelok の Stash 隠し場所の捜索は、俺に新たな道を示してくれた様だ。 Strelok のグループが日記として使っていたらしいフラッシュドライブを発見した。 あまり多くは書かれていないが、 そのグループは他に2人のメンバーが居たことが分かった。Ghost と Fang だ。 この日記では、更に"共通の友人"について触れていたが、 その友人とやらがこのグループの一員だったのか どうかまでは分からない。 ただ、そいつがグループを助けていた事は、 間違いないだろう。 Ghost の記述によれば Fang は、 待ち伏せを食らった時に死亡したらしい。 とりあえず、確かな事がある。 Strelok について確実に知っている人間の名前は、 Ghost って事だ。 奴は、恐らく Zone 北部の何処かに居るだろう。 Military documents I looked through the documents found at the Institute. It appears that the Institute was used as a front for an unofficial lab called X18 in the years preceding the accident. This lab hosted a number of very usual experiments; its location is not clear from the documents and the military don’t seem to know anything about it either. Well, well... the plot thickens... But perhaps, this is the starting point which the traders need. Now I have to travel further North to a trader known as the Barkeep. ■軍の書類 研究所で見つけた書類に目を通した。 どうも研究所は事故が起きる前の何年間に、 X18 研究所という非公式の研究所が隠れ蓑として使われていたらしい。 ここでは、かなりの数の実験を行っていた様だ。 書類からは場所までは解らない。 軍もこの事に関しては何も知らない様だ。 なるほど… 話の筋がややこしくなって来た。 でも恐らくは、この場所があのトレーダーの求めていた出発点なんだろう。 今の所は遥か北にいる、Barkeep と呼ばれるトレーダーの所へ向わなければならない。 Barkeep ■Barkeep Barkeep に会った。 彼は研究所で奪った文書に目を通した。通称 Dark Valley と呼ばれる場所に X18 研究所があるという。 そして、俺はそこに行って情報と文書を探して来いと依頼した。 以前 Duty の偵察隊をそこの地下金庫室に送ったが、全員行方不明との事だ。 近くに基地を設けている Bandit に捕らわれたんじゃないかと Barkeep は睨んでいる。 もしそれが本当なら、Duty の者達が発見した物全ては、Bandit のリーダー、Borov の手に渡ってしまっただろう。 Barkeep は、俺に用心しろと言うが… 地下金庫室について俺に全てを語っていないのは明白だ。 良いだろう、取り掛かるとしようか。 まず第一に、Borov を尋ねて奴に償いをしてもらい、もし可能なら、なんらかの話を聞けるかも知れない。 そして地下の調査だ。 Lab X18 Hell... Lab X18 wasn’t fun... and its current residents... I didn’t think things like that existed. I found some documents... I didn’t understand much of what was written in there except that they contained thechnical specifications for some components for Kaimanov emitters. What’s interesting is that the parts were destined for another lab with the codename X16 and it’s probably a secret one too. ■X18 研究所 最悪だ… X18 研究所は、酷かった… しかも、あの中にいた奴等… あんなのがこの世に存在するなんて思いもしなかった。 いくつか書類を発見した。 Kaimonov 放射器のいくつかの部品に関する技術的な仕様が書かれていること以外、 大部分は理解できなかった。 興味深かったのは、部品は X16 という他の研究所に送られる事になっていた事だ。 恐らくそこも機密機関なんだろう。 A strange dream I had a strange dream. The colossal Chernobyl power plant emerges in the twilight. Everything looks peaceful. A lonely man appears. I see him from behind against the background of the plant. The wind starts to blow. Suddenly hordes of rats begin to skitter away from the station in all directions. The man, with his back still turned to me, shoots at the rats. There is an abrupt scream; "Strelok!". the man shudders, freezes for a moment, then starts to turn slowly in my direction, but... just an instant before I am to get a glance at his face, I wake up. What does this dream mean? I don’t know, but I think it’s something I have seen before. ■不思議な夢 不思議な夢をみた。 薄暮の中、巨大なチェルノブイリ発電所が姿を現した。 なにもかもが平和そうに見え、ひとりの男が現れた。 俺は発電所を背景にして、そいつを背中から見ていた。 風が吹きはじめ、突然ネズミの大群が、全ての方角から滑るように走って来た。 男は背中を向けたまま、ネズミを撃ちはじめた。 不意に「Strelok！」と叫び声が聞こえてきた。 男は身震いし、しばらく固まった後、ゆっくりと俺の方へ向きを変え始めた。 だが… あともう少しでそいつの顔を見られる、という所で目が覚めてしまった。 あの夢はどういう意味だったんだ？ 解らない。 でも俺が思うに、あの光景は以前、見た事があるような気がする。 So the Brain Scorcher is man-made? Hmm... The traders have dug up a lot of information about these laboratories. The Barkeep wasn t surprised to find out about the emitters and X16. Now he s convinced that the Brain Scorcher is man-made. He thinks that Lab X16 is near the scientists camp by Lake Yantar. It s interesting that they are studying emissions that resemble the effects of the Scorcher. So now I must pay a visit to the Zone s scientific community. ■Brain Scorcher は人の造りしモノなのか？ ふーむ… トレーダーは研究所についての多くの事実をつかんだ様だ。 X16 研究所とエミッターのそれを知っても、Barkeep は驚いたそぶりを見せない。 今や彼は Brain Scorcher が人の手によるものだと確信している。 X16 研究所は、Yantar 湖の科学者キャンプの辺りにあると彼は考えている。 面白い、Scorcher 効果に似た放射を研究しているとはね。 さて、俺は Zone の科学界へと訪問してみようか。 One step away form Ghost So, here I am just one step away from one of Strelok s men. Ghost went to the underground Lab X16 with one of the scientists. There is only one "but" - I m not likely to find him alive. The scientists was coming back from there alone and was killed when approaching the camp. The scientists gave me some kind of device to protect me against these obscure emissions. I hope it works. They want me to get inside and unplug the emitter - then they will be able to study it on site. God help me. ■Ghost から一歩遠ざかる さて、俺は Strelok 一派の1人から1歩遠ざかってしまった。 Ghost は、1人の科学者と共に X16 研究所の地下に行った。 答えは1つだが「しかし」 ― 俺は生きている彼に出会えそうも無い。 その科学者はそこから1人で戻り、キャンプに近づいた所で殺されていた。 科学者達は謎の放射から防護する、ある種の装置を俺にくれた。それが役立って欲しい物だ。 彼等は、俺が中に侵入し、放射装置のプラグを抜いて欲しいと頼んだ… そうすれば彼等は内部でそれを研究する事が出来る様になると。俺に神の加護を…。 One more puzzle I m shocked! Ghost is the same person as the man on the photo from the file attached to the mission to kill Strelok. I m thoroughly confused. There must have been some mistake. But who made the mistake? There is no answer yet. From Ghost s records I learned the name of their "mutual acquaintance" - the fourth man in Strelok s group - Doctor. He has been helping the group for a long time playing the role of their "headquarters". He can be found through a stalker by the name of Guide, who frequents Cordon. Alright, Guide, just don t go dying all of a sudden... before we meet. On Ghost s dead body, I also found documents regarding the "Psi-Brain" mechanism. The whole neighbourhood was under the influence of that piece of trash - it zombified everyone who came within range. I learned that there is another mechanism in Lab X19, and that s what is likely to be the Brain Scorcher. I also learned that these mechanisms are not always operating at full strength. There are periods when the power is lowered to cool down the apparatus. ■もう1つの難問 俺は、ショックだ！ Ghost は、「Strelok を殺せ」任務にある写真ファイルの男と同一人物だ。 俺は、すっかり混乱している… 何らかの間違いがあったに違いない。 だが、一体誰が間違いを犯した？ その答えはまだ無い。 Ghost の記録から、俺は彼等の「お互いの知人」、Strelok 一派の4人目の男、Doctor の名を知った。 彼は長い間「本部」の役割で、彼等一派を支援していた。 彼の事は、Cordon によく行く Guide という名の Stalker を通じて見つける事が出来るだろう。 良いだろう、Guide、俺と会う前に突然死んだりするなよ。 また、Ghost の死体から、「Psi-Brain」装置に関する書類を見つけた。 その辺一帯が、そのクズの影響下にあった… それは範囲内の全員をゾンビ化した。 俺は、別の装置が X19 研究所にあるのを知った。そして、それは Brain Scorcher ではないだろうかと推測する。 また、俺はこれらの装置が常に最大出力で稼働しているわけでは無いと知った。 装置を冷却する為に出力が下げられる期間がある。 The second dream After turning off that horrible "brain in a tube" I fell unconscious. The pressure of the last few days must have taken it s toll. While I was out, I had a dream... a photograph. A gray-haired man is holding it in his hands and a huge dog is at his feet. The man is looking at the distance, but around him there is only a swamp; the landscape doesn t look at all like what s on the photo. In the fog I can see the silhouette of someone walking away. The man is talking to himself "If it s so important, why didn t you tell me what this place is and where you got the photo"...then... on the side I see a smiling young man standing on the threshold of the cabin, who says cheerfully "If only you knew where I was and what I saw there!" He extends his arm holding a marvellous device which lights up the whole cabin. The dog starts to growl and squeezes into a corner; the gray-haired man mumbles "Some day these games will spell trouble for you."... flash... the same young man with his face covered in blood stumbles inside the cabin door and falls... Lightning flashed in the sky, heavy rain is pouring down... flash... The cabin bed with the young man covered in bandages. He is unconscious; the gray-haired man mumbles "Hang in there, son". Some personal things are piled in a corner and among them there is that strange photo ...flash... the photo is now in the hands of the gray-haired man. The young man, now with scars on his face, is about to leave. The gray-haired man asks him "Where are you off to now?" The gloomy answer follows "The North" ... flash... then I woke up. ■2回目の夢 恐ろしい「筒入り脳」を無効化した後、俺は意識を失って倒れた。 ここ数日のプレッシャーが引き起こしたに違いない。 気を失ってる間、俺は夢を見た… 1枚の写真。それを手にする白髪の男が、足下に大きな犬を従えている。 その男は遠くを見つめているが、彼の周りには湿地帯しかない。風景は写真と全然違う。 霧の中に、立ち去る誰かの人影が見える。 白髪の男は自問している： 「もしそんなに重要なことなら、何故、この場所が何なのか、 そして、何処でこの写真を手に入れたのか言わなかったんだ…」 そして… 小屋の入り口に立つ青年を俺は見る。彼は快活にこう言う： 「もし場所さえ知っていれば、俺はそこに行く、そして何かを見る！」 彼は、小屋内全体を照らす凄い装置を持つ腕を伸ばす。犬は唸り始め、角に追いやられた。 白髪の男は呟く： 「こんなゲームをやっていれば何時か、お前は痛い目を見るぞ」… 閃光… その青年が血まみれの顔で小屋に入ってきて、扉でつまずいて倒れた… 空が閃光で光り、激しい雨が降り注ぐ… 閃光… 包帯で巻かれた若者が小屋のベッドに横たわる、彼は意識がないようだ。 白髪の男は呟く： 「若者よ、頑張るんだ」 彼の私物が角に積まれていて、そしてその中に、例の奇妙な写真もある。… 閃光… その写真が白髪の男の手にあった。今や顔に傷跡が残る青年が立ち去ろうとしている。 白髪の男が彼に尋ねる： 「今度はどこに行くんだ？」 それに続く暗い答えは： 「北へ…」… 閃光… そして俺は目覚めた。 After meeting with the Psycho Well, I am ready to go to the Scorcher. I found out from Crazy the times when the emission levels decrease. He also told me about a safe place where I can wait for these periods. My psi-protection won t work at other times, anyway. I ll have to find a way into the underground bunker of Lab X19. Inside I should find the controls for the Brain Scorcher antennae. ■Psycho に会った後 さて、俺は Scorcher まで行く準備が出来た。 俺は、放出レベルが減少するタイミングを、Crazy の話から見い出した。 彼はまた、その節目まで待つ事が出来る安全な場所を俺に話してくれた。 俺の精神防護装置は、それ以外の時にはどっちみち役に立たないだろう。 俺は X19 の地下施設に入る道筋を見つけ出さねばならない。 その中で俺は Brain Scorcher のアンテナ制御装置を見つけねば。 Guide Guide said Doctor thinks he s being followed and will stay at Strelok s old hideout. Well, I guess I ll have to pay him a visit there. ■Guide Guide が言うには、Doctor は後を追われていて、 Strelok の古い隠れ家にいるだろうと言う事だ。さて、彼を訪ねに行こうか。 The Scorcher is done with I turned off the Scorcher. For some reason, I lost consciousness just as I did it. Then, I had a dream I saw again the massive Chernobyl power plant and the sarcophagus. Then a flash. The shining Monolith inside the sarcophagus. I understand that it is the [[Wish Granter|Wish-Granting Machine. A stalker, exhausted and in rags, reaches feebly out to it... a bright flash and i see a fragment of the first dream... A man stands with his back to me and keeps shooting. Someone shouts, "Strelok!". The man shudders, freezes for a moment and then starts to turn slowly... but the pictures slide past, as if a film was played backwards, and I see how he uses his weapon to force the rats back into the station... I realise that I was there. I must go to the Monolith. ■Scorcher の終わり 私は Scorcher のスイッチを切った。 いくつかの理由により、ちょうどスイッチを切ると同時に意識を失った。 夢を見た： 私は再びあの堂々としたチェルノブイリ発電所と石棺を見ていた。 そして光と石棺の中で光り輝いたモノリス。 私はそれが「願望機」だと分かった。 疲れ切ったボロボロの Stalker は、弱々しく手を伸ばす… まぶしい光、そして私は最初の夢の片鱗を見たんだ… 私を背中に抱えてながら撃ち続ける男、そいつは叫んだ、"Strelok!" と。 そいつは震えてちょっとだけ凍っていて、その後、ゆっくりと回り始めたんだ… しかし、それは過去の撮影写真、そう、まるで逆送りされたフィルムの様だった。 私は駅の方面へネズミどもを制御する、彼の武器の使い方を知った… その場に居たことに気づいた今、私はモノリスへ行かねばならない。 Pripyat stash The stash contained a short report on how Fang and I infiltrated the underground galleries under the station sarcophagus and found a suspicious-looking door. Fang said that he d put together a decoder for the electronic lock for our next visit. After that we had to run for our lives. There was hordes of Monolith patrols there. Well, I also found the decoder in the stash and directions for finding the door. However, it seems that approaching the Monolith is extremely dangerous - last time we avoided going under the sarcophagus above the destroyed reactor and it seems that s where the Monolith is. ■Pripyat の隠れ家 隠れ家には、俺と Fang がどうやって石棺へ通じる地下回廊に潜入したか、 そこで不審な扉を見つけたと言う事を書き止めた書類があった。 Fang は、次回来る時に電子ロック解除機を使ってこの扉の暗号を解除しようと言った。 その後、俺達は死ぬ思いで逃げ回る羽目になった。Monolith のパトロール隊の大群に出くわしたのだ。 ああ、俺は隠れ家で解除機も見つけ、ドアを探すときの方向も覚えて置いた。 にもかかわらず、モノリスにこれ以上、近寄るのは大きな危険を伴うと俺達は判断し、 最終的に廃墟化した核反応炉上部の石棺へ行くのは避ける事にした。モノリスは、そこに有る様だ。 カットされた？ personal note 何らかの理由でカットされたpersonal note。 The legend of the wish-granting machine A bit of the local folklore I picked up Legend has it there is a wish-granting machine deep inside the Zone... The exact location is unknown but it s somewhere in the center. Apparently, all you need to do is get to it and... all of a sudden your life becomes much, much easier. Hmm... How about finding it and saying "I want to remember everything about my past!" Then again, I wouldn t want to waste a wish - what if I remembered everything and it turns out I am a complete bastard? Wouldn t that be a bummer. I wonder how many wishes it grants. ■「願望機」の伝説 Zone の奥深くには、どんな願いも叶えてくれる機械があるという伝説がある… という言い伝えを小耳に挟んだ。 正確な位置は不明だが、大体中央辺りの何処からしい。 そこに行きさえすれば… その瞬間から残りの人生は本当に、何の憂いもなく、苦労なく過ごせる！ って事だよな。 うーん… そいつを見つけて、「自分の過去についてどんな事でも思い出したい！」なんて言ってみるのはどうだ？ そして、全ての事を思い出したら、実は俺は完璧なロクデナシだと判明し、結局望みを無駄にしただけだったら？ そいつも悪くないかも知れないな。一体、望みはいくつ叶えられるのだろう。 stable_storyline_info_garbage.xmlに収録。 Meeting with the Doctor I don t know what to say..Should I be happy or sad? I found out that I am the Shooter. A Shooter who lost his memory in one of the last passages leading to the center of the Zone. A Shooter who lost all of his friends except for the Doctor. A Shooter who found out something that made him be followed. What did I find out? Next question. The Doctor managed to save the key and the location of the secret stash of our group at Pripyat. It s located in one of the rooms of the old hotel in the center. He says that there must be something there that will shed some light on the "Granter of Wishes" or Monolith. He knows only one thing after the second to last scouting expedition to the Cherbobyl NPP I kept on saying that there s something shady with Monolith. Well Monolith, we re going to try and deal with you. Who are you and what are you? ■Doctor との会談 何と言って良いか… 俺は悲しいのか、それとも幸福なのか？ 俺は、俺が Shooter である事を知った。最後に Zone 中央に向かい、記憶を失った Shooter の一人。 Doctor 以外の、全ての友人を失った Shooter。 彼を衝動に駆る、何かを見つけた Shooter。 俺は何を見たのだ？ 次の疑問だ。Doctor はなんとか Pripyat にある、俺達のグループの秘密の隠し場所の位置と、 その鍵を保存する事が出来た。それは中央にある、古いホテルの部屋の一つに位置する。 彼は「望みを叶えるモノ」か、モノリスを解明するいくつかの光明がそこにあるに違いないと言った。 彼が知るのはたった一つ：最後の二度目の偵察にチェルノブイリ NPP へ行った後、 俺はモノリスに何か疑わしい物があると言い続けた､と言う事。 ああ、モノリス、俺達はお前達を相手にする必要がある、お前達は誰だ？ そしていったい何なんだ？ stable_storyline_info_deadcity.xmlに収録。 当初の予定では、DoctorはMercsによってDeadcityに連行され、主人公が救出に向かうという流れだったが、 その後Deadcityマップと関連ミッションは削除され、製品版はAgroprom地下のStrelokの隠れ家で 主人公とDoctorが邂逅するという展開となった。 内容的には、製品版の展開でこのノートを残しても違和感はないと思われるが、削除した理由は不明。 なお、SFPS Ver.3.30同梱の日本語化MODでは、このノートのタイトルは「医者との会談」となっているが、 本作での"Doctor"は通り名と考えられるので、本稿では「Doctorとの会談」とした。 また原文前半では"Shooter"という名詞が頻繁に出るが、内容から 俺は、俺が Strelok である事を知った。最後に Zone 中央に向かい、記憶を失った Stalker の一人。 Doctor 以外の、全ての友人を失った Stalker。 彼を衝動に駆る、何かを見つけた Stalker。 が訳文としては妥当ではないだろうか。 Turn off the Monolith I am only a step away from the people who created this damn network of psi-units all over the Zone. The Monolith is just another zombifier it seems, with the exception that someone took the care to install a hologram in the shape of a huge crystal inside the sarcophagus. When the "lucky" ones approach it, it messes up their brains. Maybe it even makes them believe that their wishes have come true, who knows? Have I been affected by this shit before? I m not sure, but whoever is behind this will soon be answering my questions. They even invited me... Well, here I come, you bastards! ■Monolith を“消す” Zone の至る所に設置されたクサレPSI装置のネットワークを作った連中の所まで、 俺は後一歩の所まで来ている。 モノリスとは詰まる所、ゾンビ製造機の亜種みたいな物だ、 ただ違うのは誰かが石棺の中に、巨大なクリスタルの幻を置くように取り計らったって事だ。 ここまで辿り着けた「ラッキーな奴」がそれに近づけば、たちまち脳をやられるという寸法だ。 そのせいで奴等は、これで願いが叶うなんて事すら信じる様になっちまったんだと思う。 誰もこの事を知らないままな！ 俺もこいつに以前、頭をやられたのだろうか？ それは分からない。 しかし、この陰謀の裏で糸を引いてる黒幕さんは、もうすぐ俺の質問に答えてくれるそうだ。 わざわざ俺を招待してくれてる。…さあ、ついに来てやったぜ… このクソったれ野郎！ stable_storyline_info_garbage.xmlに収録。 PDAに表示されるタイミングは、内容から、Sarcophagusの謎のドアの電子ロックが破られ、 主人公を招く声が流れた直後と考えられる。 例のアレとの会話の後の選択肢との関係で削除されたと考えられるが、なぜstable_storyline_info_sarcofag.xmlではなく、 stable_storyline_info_garbage.xmlにあるのかは不明。
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関ジャニ8 感謝ni∞in東京（かんじゃにえいとかんしゃにえいといんとうきょう） ■期間 2004年11月27日 ■会場 東京国際フォーラム・ホールA ■全席指定 ￥5,500 ■セットリスト ※≪OPメドレー≫ Believe my story（Ⅴ.WEST） お前がいる（丸山隆平） Secret Agent Man（錦戸亮） たよりにしてまっせ（村上信五） オイラの人生のっぺらぼ～！（横山裕） 愛してる愛してない（渋谷すばる） 三味線・和太鼓・下駄ップ（1部ではここがOP） 浪花いろは節 メンバー紹介ダンス ≪ブギウギメドレー≫ 東京ブキウギ? 三味線ブギー～東京ブギウギ? ヴギウギ・キャット！ プチMC ≪松竹座メドレー≫(昔の映像付き） 旅人（Another Ver.） So BAD?（内博貴・安田章大・丸山隆平） レクイエム～宇宙の記憶～（村上信五・横山裕） DREAMIN BLOOD Master Key（内博貴） OPEN YOUR EYES（錦戸亮） It s not over yet～終わりのない旅～ ≪コント≫ アドリ部（村上信五・錦戸亮・丸山隆平・安田章大・大倉忠義・内博貴）＋幼稚園児のおべんきょう（1部） 幼稚園児のおべんきょう（2・3部） プリン（三兄弟） Knockin Trackin STANCE Cool Magic City MC（2部はここで記者会見が） 冬のリヴィエラ ≪ジャニーズJr.メドレー≫ Shelter ミッドナイトシャッフル No Control Can do! Can go! All of me for you マーメイド（内博貴） FIGHT MAN（渋谷すばる） ※1部ではOPのメドレーがここにあった Do you agree? Booster 口笛の向こう Eden ≪アンコール≫ 浪花いろは節 ≪ダブルアンコール≫（3部のみ） Cool Magic City
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Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Contents Top Chapter I.序論(Introductory) Chapter II.戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Chapter III.会議(The Conference) Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-1 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-2 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-1 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-2 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-4 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-5 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-1 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-2 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty) This chapter must be one of pessimism. The Treaty includes no provisions for the economic rehabilitation of Europe,—nothing to make the defeated Central Empires into good neighbors, nothing to stabilize the new States of Europe, nothing to reclaim Russia; nor does it promote in any way a compact of economic solidarity amongst the Allies themselves; no arrangement was reached at Paris for restoring the disordered finances of France and Italy, or to adjust the systems of the Old World and the New. The Council of Four paid no attention to these issues, being preoccupied with others,—Clemenceau to crush the economic life of his enemy, Lloyd George to do a deal and bring home something which would pass muster for a week, the President to do nothing that was not just and right. It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problems of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four. Reparation was their main excursion into the economic field, and they settled it as a problem of theology, of polities, of electoral chicane, from every point of view except that of the economic future of the States whose destiny they were handling. I leave, from this point onwards, Paris, the Conference, and the Treaty, briefly to consider the present situation of Europe, as the War and the Peace have made it; and it will no longer be part of my purpose to distinguish between the inevitable fruits of the War and the avoidable misfortunes of the Peace. The essential facts of the situation, as I see them, are expressed simply. Europe consists of the densest aggregation of population in the history of the world. This population is accustomed to a relatively high standard of life, in which, even now, some sections of it anticipate improvement rather than deterioration. In relation to other continents Europe is not self-sufficient; in particular it cannot feed Itself. Internally the population is not evenly distributed, but much of it is crowded into a relatively small number of dense industrial centers. This population secured for itself a livelihood before the war, without much margin of surplus, by means of a delicate and immensely complicated organization, of which the foundations were supported by coal, iron, transport, and an unbroken supply of imported food and raw materials from other continents. By the destruction of this organization and the interruption of the stream of supplies, a part of this population is deprived of its means of livelihood. Emigration is not open to the redundant surplus. For it would take years to transport them overseas, even, which is not the case, if countries could be found which were ready to receive them. The danger confronting us, therefore, is the rapid depression of the standard of life of the European populations to a point which will mean actual starvation for some (a point already reached in Russia and approximately reached in Austria). Men will not always die quietly. For starvation, which brings to some lethargy and a helpless despair, drives other temperaments to the nervous instability of hysteria and to a mad despair. And these in their distress may overturn the remnants of organization, and submerge civilization itself in their attempts to satisfy desperately the overwhelming needs of the individual. This is the danger against which all our resources and courage and idealism must now co-operate. On the 13th May, 1919, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau addressed to the Peace Conference of the Allied and Associated Powers the Report of the German Economic Commission charged with the study of the effect of the conditions of Peace on the situation of the German population. "In the course of the last two generations," they reported, "Germany has become transformed from an agricultural State to an industrial State. So long as she was an agricultural State, Germany could feed forty million inhabitants. As an industrial State she could insure the means of subsistence for a population of sixty-seven millions; and in 1913 the importation of foodstuffs amounted, in round figures, to twelve million tons. Before the war a total of fifteen million persons in Germany provided for their existence by foreign trade, navigation, and the use, directly or indirectly, of foreign raw material." After rehearsing the main relevant provisions of the Peace Treaty the report continues "After this diminution of her products, after the economic depression resulting from the loss of her colonies, her merchant fleet and her foreign investments, Germany will not he in a position to import from abroad an adequate quantity of raw material. An enormous part of German industry will, therefore, be condemned inevitably to destruction. The need of importing foodstuffs will increase considerably at the same time that the possibility of satisfying this demand is as greatly diminished. In a very short time, therefore, Germany will not be in a position to give bread and work to her numerous millions of inhabitants, who are prevented from earning their livelihood by navigation and trade. These persons should emigrate, but this is a material impossibility, all the more because many countries and the most important ones will oppose any German immigration. To put the Peace conditions into execution would logically involve, therefore, the loss of several millions of persons in Germany. This catastrophe would not be long in coming about, seeing that the health of the population has been broken down during the War by the Blockade, and during the Armistice by the aggravation of the Blockade of famine. No help, however great, or over however long a period it were continued, could prevent those deaths en masse." "We do not know, and indeed we doubt," the report concludes, "whether the Delegates of the Allied and. Associated Powers realize the inevitable consequences which will take place if Germany, an industrial State, very thickly populated, closely bound up with the economic system of the world, and under the necessity of importing enormous quantities of raw material and foodstuffs, suddenly finds herself pushed back to the phase of her development, which corresponds to her economic condition and the numbers of her population as they were half a century ago. Those who sign this Treaty will sign the death sentence of many millions of German men, women and children." I know of no adequate answer to these words. The indictment is at least as true of the Austrian, as of the German, settlement. This is the fundamental problem in front of us, before which questions of territorial adjustment and the balance of European power are insignificant. Some of the catastrophes of past history, which have thrown back human progress for centuries, have been due to the reactions following on the sudden termination, whether in the course of nature or by the act of man, of temporarily favorable conditions which have permitted the growth of population beyond what could be provided for when the favorable conditions were at an end. The significant features of the immediate situation can be grouped under three heads first, the absolute falling off, for the time being, in Europe s internal productivity; second, the breakdown of transport and exchange by means of which its products could be conveyed where they were most wanted; and third, the inability of Europe to purchase its usual supplies from overseas. The decrease of productivity cannot be easily estimated, and may be the subject of exaggeration. But the primâ facie evidence of it is overwhelming, and this factor has been the main burden of Mr. Hoover s well-considered warnings. A variety of causes have produced it;—violent and prolonged internal disorder as in Russia and Hungary; the creation of new governments and their inexperience in the readjustment of economic relations, as in Poland and Czecho-Slovakia; the loss throughout the Continent of efficient labor, through the casualties of war or the continuance of mobilization; the falling-off in efficiency through continued underfeeding in the Central Empires; the exhaustion of the soil from lack of the usual applications of artificial manures throughout the course of the war; the unsettlement of the minds of the laboring classes on the above all (to quote Mr. Hoover), "there is a great fundamental economic issues of their lives. But relaxation of effort as the reflex of physical exhaustion of large sections of the population from privation and the mental and physical strain of the war." Many persons are for one reason or another out of employment altogether. According to Mr. Hoover, a summary of the unemployment bureaus in Europe in July, 1919, showed that 15,000,000 families were receiving unemployment allowances in one form or another, and were being paid in the main by a constant inflation of currency. In Germany there is the added deterrent to labor and to capital (in so far as the Reparation terms are taken literally), that anything, which they may produce beyond the barest level of subsistence, will for years to come be taken away from them. Such definite data as we possess do not add much, perhaps, to the general picture of decay. But I will remind the reader of one or two of them. The coal production of Europe as a whole is estimated to have fallen off by 30 per cent; and upon coal the greater part of the industries of Europe and the whole of her transport system depend. Whereas before the war Germany produced 85 per cent of the total food consumed by her inhabitants, the productivity of the soil is now diminished by 40 per cent and the effective quality of the live-stock by 55 per cent.[145] Of the European countries which formerly possessed a large exportable surplus, Russia, as much by reason of deficient transport as of diminished output, may herself starve. Hungary, apart from her other troubles, has been pillaged by the Romanians immediately after harvest. Austria will have consumed the whole of her own harvest for 1919 before the end of the calendar year. The figures are almost too overwhelming to carry conviction to our minds; if they were not quite so bad, our effective belief in them might be stronger. But even when coal can be got and grain harvested, the breakdown of the European railway system prevents their carriage; and even when goods can be manufactured, the breakdown of the European currency system prevents their sale. I have already described the losses, by war and under the Armistice surrenders, to the transport system of Germany. But even so, Germany s position, taking account of her power of replacement by manufacture, is probably not so serious as that of some of her neighbors. In Russia (about which, however, we have very little exact or accurate information) the condition of the rolling-stock is believed to be altogether desperate, and one of the most fundamental factors in her existing economic disorder. And in Poland, Roumania, and Hungary the position is not much better. Yet modern industrial life essentially depends on efficient transport facilities, and the population which secured its livelihood by these means cannot continue to live without them. The breakdown of currency, and the distrust in its purchasing value, is an aggravation of these evils which must be discussed in a little more detail in connection with foreign trade. What then is our picture of Europe? A country population able to support life on the fruits of its own agricultural production but without the accustomed surplus for the towns, and also (as a result of the lack of imported materials and so of variety and amount in the saleable manufactures of the towns) without the usual incentives to market food in return for other wares; an industrial population unable to keep its strength for lack of food, unable to earn a livelihood for lack of materials, and so unable to make good by imports from abroad the failure of productivity at home. Yet, according to Mr. Hoover, "a rough estimate would indicate that the population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater than can be supported without imports, and must live by the production and distribution of exports." The problem of the re-inauguration of the perpetual circle of production and exchange in foreign trade leads me to a necessary digression on the currency situation of Europe. Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalist System was to debauch the currency. By a continuing process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens. By this method they not only confiscate, but they confiscate arbitrarily; and, while the process impoverishes many, it actually enriches some. The sight of this arbitrary rearrangement of riches strikes not only at security, but at confidence in the equity of the existing distribution of wealth. Those to whom the system brings windfalls, beyond their deserts and even beyond their expectations or desires, become "profiteers,", who are the object of the hatred of the bourgeoisie, whom the inflationism has impoverished, not less than of the proletariat. As the inflation proceeds and the real value of the currency fluctuates wildly from month to month, all permanent relations between debtors and creditors, which form the ultimate foundation of capitalism, become so utterly disordered as to be almost meaningless; and the process of wealth-getting degenerates into a gamble and a lottery. Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose. In the latter stages of the war all the belligerent governments practised, from necessity or incompetence, what a Bolshevist might have done from design. Even now, when the war is over, most of them continue out of weakness the same malpractices. But further, the Governments of Europe, being many of them at this moment reckless in their methods as well as weak, seek to direct on to a class known as "profiteers" the popular indignation against the more obvious consequences of their vicious methods. These "profiteers" are, broadly speaking, the entrepreneur class of capitalists, that is to say, the active and constructive element in the whole capitalist society, who in a period of rapidly rising prices cannot help but get rich quick whether they wish it or desire it or not. If prices are continually rising, even trader who has purchased for stock or owns property and plant inevitably makes profits. By directing hatred against this class, therefore, the European Governments are carrying a step further the fatal process which the subtle mind of Lenin had consciously conceived. The profiteers are a consequence and not a cause of rising prices. By combining a popular hatred of the class of entrepreneurs with the blow already given to social security by the violent and arbitrary disturbance of contract and of the established equilibrium of wealth which is the inevitable result of inflation, these Governments are fast rendering impossible a continuance of the social and economic order of the nineteenth century. But they have no plan for replacing it. We are thus faced in Europe with the spectacle of an extraordinary weakness on the part of the great capitalist class, which has emerged from the industrial triumphs of the nineteenth century, and seemed a very few years ago our all-powerful master. The terror and personal timidity of the individuals of this class is now so great, their confidence in their place in society and in their necessity to the social organism so diminished, that they are the easy victims of intimidation. This was not so in England twenty-five years ago, any more than it is now in the United States. Then the capitalists believed in themselves, in their value to society, in the propriety of their continued existence in the full enjoyment of their riches and the unlimited exercise of their power. Now they tremble before every insult;—call them pro-Germans, international financiers, or profiteers, and they will give you any ransom you choose to ask not to speak of them so harshly. They allow themselves to be ruined and altogether undone by their own instruments, governments of their own making, and a press of which they are the proprietors. Perhaps it is historically true that no order of society ever perishes save by its own hand. In the complexer world of Western Europe the Immanent Will may achieve its ends more subtly and bring in the revolution no less inevitably through a Klotz or a George than by the intellectualisms, too ruthless and self-conscious for us, of the bloodthirsty philosophers of Russia. The inflationism of the currency systems of Europe has proceeded to extraordinary lengths. The various belligerent Governments, unable, or too timid or too short-sighted to secure from loans or taxes the resources they required, have printed notes for the balance. In Russia and Austria-Hungary this process has reached a point where for the purposes of foreign trade the currency is practically valueless. The Polish mark can be bought for about three cents and the Austrian crown for less than two cents, but they cannot be sold at all. The German mark is worth less than four cents on the exchanges. In most of the other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe the real position is nearly as bad. The currency of Italy has fallen to little more than a halt of its nominal value in spite of its being still subject to some degree of regulation; French currency maintains an uncertain market; and even sterling is seriously diminished in present value and impaired in its future prospects. But while these currencies enjoy a precarious value abroad, they have never entirely lost, not even in Russia, their purchasing power at home. A sentiment of trust in the legal money of the State is so deeply implanted in the citizens of all countries that they cannot but believe that some day this money must recover a part at least of its former value. To their minds it appears that value is inherent in money as such, and they do not apprehend that the real wealth, which this money might have stood for, has been dissipated once and for all. This sentiment is supported by the various legal regulations with which the Governments endeavor to control internal prices, and so to preserve some purchasing power for their legal tender. Thus the force of law preserves a measure of immediate purchasing power over some commodities and the force of sentiment and custom maintains, especially amongst peasants, a willingness to hoard paper which is really worthless. The presumption of a spurious value for the currency, by the force of law expressed in the regulation of prices, contains in itself, however, the seeds of final economic decay, and soon dries up the sources of ultimate supply. If a man is compelled to exchange the fruits of his labors for paper which, as experience soon teaches him, he cannot use to purchase what he requires at a price comparable to that which he has received for his own products, he will keep his produce for himself, dispose of it to his friends and neighbors as a favor, or relax his efforts in producing it. A system of compelling the exchange of commodities at what is not their real relative value not only relaxes production, but leads finally to the waste and inefficiency of barter. If, however, a government refrains from regulation and allows matters to take their course, essential commodities soon attain a level of price out of the reach of all but the rich, the worthlessness of the money becomes apparent, and the fraud upon the public can be concealed no longer. The effect on foreign trade of price-regulation and profiteer-hunting as cures for inflation is even worse. Whatever may be the case at home, the currency must soon reach its real level abroad, with the result that prices inside and outside the country lose their normal adjustment. The price of imported commodities, when converted at the current rate o exchange, is far in excess of the local price, so that many essential goods will not be imported at all by private agency, and must be provided by the government, which, in re-selling the goods below cost price, plunges thereby a little further into insolvency. The bread subsidies, now almost universal throughout Europe, are the leading example of this phenomenon. The countries of Europe fall into two distinct groups at the present time as regards their manifestations of what is really the same evil throughout, according as they have been cut off from international intercourse by the Blockade, or have had their imports paid for out of the resources of their allies. I take Germany as typical of the first, and France and Italy of the second. The note circulation of Germany is about ten times[146] what it was before the war. The value of the mark in terms of gold is about one-eighth of its former value. As world-prices in terms of gold are more than double what they were, it follows that mark-prices inside Germany ought to be from sixteen to twenty times their pre-war level if they are to be in adjustment and proper conformity with prices outside Germany.[147] But this is not the case. In spite of a very great rise in German prices, they probably do not yet average much more than five times their former level, so far as staple commodities are concerned; and it is impossible that they should rise further except with a simultaneous and not less violent adjustment of the level of money wages. The existing maladjustment hinders in two ways (apart from other obstacles) that revival of the import trade which is the essential preliminary of the economic reconstruction of the country. In the first place, imported commodities are beyond the purchasing power of the great mass of the population,[148] and the flood of imports which might have been expected to succeed the raising of the blockade was not in fact commercially possible.[149] In the second place, it is a hazardous enterprise for a merchant or a manufacturer to purchase with a foreign credit material for which, when he has imported it or manufactured it, he will receive mark currency of a quite uncertain and possibly unrealizable value. This latter obstacle to the revival of trade is one which easily escapes notice and deserves a little attention. It is impossible at the present time to say what the mark will be worth in terms of foreign currency three or six months or a year hence, and the exchange market can quote no reliable figure. It may be the case, therefore, that a German merchant, careful of his future credit and reputation, who is actually offered a short period credit in terms of sterling or dollars, may be reluctant and doubtful whether to accept it. He will owe sterling or dollars, but he will sell his product for marks, and his power, when the time comes, to turn these marks into the currency in which he has to repay his debt is entirely problematic. Business loses its genuine character and becomes no better than a speculation in the exchanges, the fluctuations in which entirely obliterate the normal profits of commerce. There are therefore three separate obstacles to the revival of trade a maladjustment between internal prices and international prices, a lack of individual credit abroad wherewith to buy the raw materials needed to secure the working capital and to re-start the circle of exchange, and a disordered currency system which renders credit operations hazardous or impossible quite apart from the ordinary risks of commerce. The note circulation of France is more than six times its pre-war level. The exchange value of the franc in terms of gold is a little less than two-thirds its former value; that is to say, the value of the franc has not fallen in proportion to the increased volume of the currency.[150] This apparently superior situation of France is due to the fact that until recently a very great part of her imports have not been paid for, but have been covered by loans from the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. This has allowed a want of equilibrium between exports and imports to be established, which is becoming a very serious factor, now that the outside assistance is being gradually discontinued. The internal economy of France and its price level in relation to the note circulation and the foreign exchanges is at present based on an excess of imports over exports which cannot possibly continue. Yet it is difficult to see how the position can be readjusted except by a lowering of the standard of consumption in France, which, even if it is only temporary, will provoke a great deal of discontent.[151] The situation of Italy is not very different. There the note circulation is five or six times its pre-war level, and the exchange value of the lira in terms of gold about half its former value. Thus the adjustment of the exchange to the volume of the note circulation has proceeded further in Italy than in France. On the other hand, Italy s "invisible" receipts, from emigrant remittances and the expenditure of tourists, have been very injuriously affected; the disruption of Austria has deprived her of an important market; and her peculiar dependence on foreign shipping and on imported raw materials of every kind has laid her open to special injury from the increase of world prices. For all these reasons her position is grave, and her excess of imports as serious a symptom as in the case of France.[152] The existing inflation and the maladjustment of international trade are aggravated, both in France and in Italy, by the unfortunate budgetary position of the Governments of these countries. In France the failure to impose taxation is notorious. Before the war the aggregate French and British budgets, and also the average taxation per head, were about equal; but in France no substantial effort has been made to cover the increased expenditure. "Taxes increased in Great Britain during the war," it has been estimated, "from 95 francs per head to 265 francs, whereas the increase in France was only from 90 to 103 francs." The taxation voted in France for the financial year ending June 30, 1919, was less than half the estimated normal post-bellum expenditure. The normal budget for the future cannot be put below $4,400,000,000 (22 milliard francs), and may exceed this figure; but even for the fiscal year 1919-20 the estimated receipts from taxation do not cover much more than half this amount. The French Ministry of Finance have no plan or policy whatever for meeting this prodigious deficit, except the expectation of receipts from Germany on a scale which the French officials themselves know to be baseless. In the meantime they are helped by sales of war material and surplus American stocks and do not scruple, even in the latter half of 1919, to meet the deficit by the yet further expansion of the note issue of the Bank of France.[153] The budgetary position of Italy is perhaps a little superior to that of France. Italian finance throughout the war was more enterprising than the French, and far greater efforts were made to impose taxation and pay for the war. Nevertheless Signor Nitti, the Prime Minister, in a letter addressed to the electorate on the eve of the General Election (Oct., 1919), thought it necessary to make public the following desperate analysis of the situation —(1) The State expenditure amounts to about three times the revenue. (2) All the industrial undertakings of the State, including the railways, telegraphs, and telephones, are being run at a loss. Although the public is buying bread at a high price, that price represents a loss to the Government of about a milliard a year. (3) Exports now leaving the country are valued at only one-quarter or one-fifth of the imports from abroad. (4) The National Debt is increasing by about a milliard lire per month. (5) The military expenditure for one month is still larger than that for the first year of the war. But if this is the budgetary position of France and Italy, that of the rest of belligerent Europe is yet more desperate. In Germany the total expenditure of the Empire, the Federal States, and the Communes in 1919-20 is estimated at 25 milliards of marks, of which not above 10 milliards are covered by previously existing taxation. This is without allowing anything for the payment of the indemnity. In Russia, Poland, Hungary, or Austria such a thing as a budget cannot be seriously considered to exist at all.[154] Thus the menace of inflationism described above is not merely a product of the war, of which peace begins the cure. It is a continuing phenomenon of which the end is not yet in sight. All these influences combine not merely to prevent Europe from supplying immediately a sufficient stream of exports to pay for the goods she needs to import, but they impair her credit for securing the working capital required to re-start the circle of exchange and also, by swinging the forces of economic law yet further from equilibrium rather than towards it, they favor a continuance of the present conditions instead of a recovery from them. An inefficient, unemployed, disorganized Europe faces us, torn by internal strife and international hate, fighting, starving, pillaging, and lying. What warrant is there for a picture of less somber colors? I have paid little heed in this book to Russia, Hungary, or Austria.[155] There the miseries of life and the disintegration of society are too notorious to require analysis; and these countries are already experiencing the actuality of what for the rest of Europe is still in the realm of prediction. Yet they comprehend a vast territory and a great population, and are an extant example of how much man can suffer and how far society can decay. Above all, they are the signal to us of how in the final catastrophe the malady of the body passes over into malady of the mind. Economic privation proceeds by easy stages, and so long as men suffer it patiently the outside world cares little. Physical efficiency and resistance to disease slowly diminish,[156] but life proceeds somehow, until the limit of human endurance is reached at last and counsels of despair and madness stir the sufferers from the lethargy which precedes the crisis. Then man shakes himself, and the bonds of custom are loosed. The power of ideas is sovereign, and he listens to whatever instruction of hope, illusion, or revenge is carried to him on the air. As I write, the flames of Russian Bolshevism seem, for the moment at least, to have burnt themselves out, and the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are held in a dreadful torpor. The lately gathered harvest keeps off the worst privations, and Peace has been declared at Paris. But winter approaches. Men will have nothing to look forward to or to nourish hopes on. There will be little fuel to moderate the rigors of the season or to comfort the starved bodies of the town-dwellers. But who can say how much is endurable, or in what direction men will seek at last to escape from their misfortunes? FOOTNOTES [145] Professor Starling s Report on Food Conditions in Germany. (Cmd. 280.) [146] Including the Darlehenskassenscheine somewhat more. [147] Similarly in Austria prices ought to be between twenty and thirty times their former level. [148] One of the moat striking and symptomatic difficulties which faced the Allied authorities in their administration of the occupied areas of Germany during the Armistice arose out of the fact that even when they brought food into the country the inhabitants could not afford to pay its cost price. [149] Theoretically an unduly low level of home prices should stimulate exports and so cure itself. But in Germany, and still more in Poland and Austria, there is little or nothing to export. There must be imports before there can be exports. [150] Allowing for the diminished value of gold, the exchange value of the franc should be less than 40 per cent of its previous value, instead of the actual figure of about 60 per cent, if the fall were proportional to the increase in the volume of the currency. [151] How very far from equilibrium France s international exchange now is can be seen from the following table Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 1913140,355114,67025,685 1914106,70581,14525,560 1918331,91569,055262,860 Jan.-Mar. 1919387,14066,670320,470 Apr.-June 1919421,41083,895337,515 July 1919467,565123,675343,890 These figures have been converted, at approximately par rates, but this is roughly compensated by the fact that the trade of 1918 and 1919 has been valued at 1917 official rates. French imports cannot possibly continue at anything approaching these figures, and the semblance of prosperity based on such a state of affairs is spurious. [152] The figures for Italy are as follows Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 191360,76041,86018,900 191448,72036,84011,880 1918235,02541,390193,635 Jan.-Mar. 1919229,24038,685191,155 Apr.-June 1919331,03569,250261,785 July-Aug. 1919223,53584,515139,020 [153] In the last two returns of the Bank of France available as I write (Oct. 2 and 9, 1919) the increases in the note issue on the week amounted to $93,750,000 and $94,125,000 respectively. [154] On October 3, 1919, M. Bilinski made his financial statement to the Polish Diet. He estimated his expenditure for the next nine months at rather more than double his expenditure for the past nine months, and while during the first period his revenue had amounted to one-fifth of his expenditure, for the coming months he was budgeting for receipts equal to one-eighth of his outgoings. The Times correspondent at Warsaw reported that "in general M. Bilinski s tone was optimistic and appeared to satisfy his audience." [155] The terms of the Peace Treaty imposed on the Austrian Republic bear no relation to the real facts of that State s desperate situation. The Arbeiter Zeitung of Vienna on June 4, 1919, commented on them as follows "Never has the substance of a treaty of peace so grossly betrayed the intentions which were said to have guided its construction as is the case with this Treaty . . . in which every provision is permeated with ruthlessness and pitilessness, in which no breath of human sympathy can be detected, which flies in the face of everything which binds man to man, which is a crime against humanity itself, against a suffering and tortured people." I am acquainted in detail with the Austrian Treaty and I was present when some of its terms were being drafted, but I do not find it easy to rebut the justice of this outburst. [156] For months past the reports of the health conditions in the Central Empires have been of such a character that the imagination is dulled, and one almost seems guilty of sentimentality in quoting them. But their general veracity is not disputed, and I quote the three following, that the reader may not be unmindful of them "In the last years of the war, in Austria alone at least 35,000 people died of tuberculosis, in Vienna alone 12,000. Today we have to reckon with a number of at least 350,000 to 400,000 people who require treatment for tuberculosis.... As the result of malnutrition a bloodless generation is growing up with undeveloped muscles, undeveloped joints, and undeveloped brain" (Neue Freie Presse, May 31, 1919). The Commission of Doctors appointed by the Medical Faculties of Holland, Sweden, and Norway to examine the conditions in Germany reported as follows in the Swedish Press in April, 1919 "Tuberculosis, especially in children, is increasing in an appalling way, and, generally speaking, is malignant. In the same way rickets is more serious and more widely prevalent. It is impossible to do anything for these diseases; there is no milk for the tuberculous, and no cod-liver oil for those suffering from rickets.... Tuberculosis is assuming almost unprecedented aspects, such as have hitherto only been known in exceptional cases. The whole body is attacked simultaneously, and the illness in this form is practically incurable.... Tuberculosis is nearly always fatal now among adults. It is the cause of 90 per cent of the hospital cases. Nothing can be done against it owing to lack of food-stuffs.... It appears in the most terrible forms, such as glandular tuberculosis, which turns into purulent dissolution." The following is by a writer in the Vossische Zeitung, June 5, 1919, who accompanied the Hoover Mission to the Erzgebirge "I visited large country districts where 90 per cent of all the children were ricketty and where children of three years are only beginning to walk.... Accompany me to a school in the Erzgebirge. You think it is a kindergarten for the little ones. No, these are children of seven and eight years. Tiny faces, with large dull eyes, overshadowed by huge puffed, ricketty foreheads, their small arms just skin and bone, and above the crooked legs with their dislocated joints the swollen, pointed stomachs of the hunger oedema.... You see this child here, the physician in charge explained; it consumed an incredible amount of bread, and yet did not get any stronger. I found out that it hid all the bread it received underneath its straw mattress. The fear of hunger was so deeply rooted in the child that it collected stores instead of eating the food a misguided animal instinct made the dread of hunger worse than the actual pangs. " Yet there are many persons apparently in whose opinion justice requires that such beings should pay tribute until they are forty or fifty years of age in relief of the British taxpayer.
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R-note/いえろ～ぜぶら/あ～るの～と R-note/いえろ～ぜぶら/あ～るの～と音楽CDR-note いえろ～ぜぶら あ～るの～と 合同企画CD False Trues（姉妹サークル） 東方M-1ぐらんぷりシリーズいえろ～ぜぶら あ～るの～と 音楽CD R-note EVOLUTION RUSH -opus tuned- Tautology 上に戻る いえろ～ぜぶら 東方弦想歌 ～Color of Flower～ レビュー有 東方弦想歌 ～instrumental～ 東方蓬千歌～Sound of Chord～ レビュー有 例大祭限定おまけCD 東方スプラッシュ! レビュー有 東方空演奏 レビュー有 東方讃月歌～Smell of Flap～ レビュー有 Comicmarket73 OmakeCD 東方染紅歌〜Fate of Blood〜 レビュー有 東方絢彩歌 ～Touch of Air～ レビュー有 REITAISAI5 Omake CD SENSEASONS レビュー有 東方輪衝歌 ～Moment of Impulse～ レビュー有 東方月響歌 ～Ballad of Moon～ レビュー有 東方彗麗歌 ～Orbit of Diffusion～ レビュー有 いえろ～ぜぶら あーかいぶ 東方星聖歌 ～Decision of Purpose～ レビュー有 東方愁爽歌 ～Landing of Truth～ レビュー有 いえろ～ぜぶら べすとあるばむ Vol.1 東方詠劫歌 ～Point and Eternity～ レビュー有 東方閃囁歌 ～Phantom and Reality～ レビュー有 いえろ～ぜぶら べすとあるばむ Vol.2 いえろ～ぜぶら べすとあるばむ Vol.3 東方颯封歌 ～Paint and Probity～ いえろ～ぜぶら ふぃな～れBOX?? いえろ～ぜぶら ふぃな～れBOX SP?? 上に戻る あ～るの～と 東方彩醒響 ～Truth in Darkness～ 東方粋蓮響 ～Trick of Brilliance～ 東方蓬千響 ～Trap of Labyrinth～ 東方奏華響 ～Trip in Distance～ 東方天姫響 ～Truck for Lightness～ 東方悠心響 ～Trade for Heartiness～ Yoshiha Style 1 ～きみのうた～ 東方風麗響 ～Trace of Permanence～ 東方ストラッシュ！? Yoshiha Style 2 ～あいのうた～? 上に戻る 合同企画CD 東方ASSOCIATION レビュー有 東方ESCALATION 東方TRITONATION レビュー有 東方儚航路 上に戻る False&Trues（姉妹サークル） technological レビュー有 techmatrix 上に戻る 東方M-1ぐらんぷりシリーズ いえろ～ぜぶら 東方M-1ぐらんぷり? 第2回東方M‐1ぐらんぷり? 第3回東方M‐1ぐらんぷり? 第4回東方M‐1ぐらんぷり? 第5回東方M‐1ぐらんぷり? 第6回東方M‐1ぐらんぷり? 上に戻る あ～るの～と 第7回東方M-1ぐらんぷり? 第1回東方M-1ぐらんぷりR? 第8回東方M-1ぐらんぷり? 上に戻る
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【Tags Kaito tF yuukiss F】 Original Music title FLOWER TAIL Romaji music title FLOWER TAIL Music Lyrics written, Voice edited by yuukiss Music arranged by yuukiss Singer(s) Kaito The lyrics are quoted from "Nostalogic" and "Fairy-taled" sung by Meiko. Click here for the original Japanese Lyrics English Lyrics (translated by animeyay)： (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Entrusting my heels to the currents of reminiscence and oblivion, I go towards the bell chimes, but only end up collapsing to my knees. We re so close to each other that we can almost hear each other s blinks. Yet, before I know it, the curtain has been lowered, and only the withered applause remains resonating. When a strong-willed flowers, blooming in a wheel rut, subtly changes its expression in a split second, I exclaim in awe of the delicate elegance of its solitude, that I become at a loss, unable to bring myself to tread over it. (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Welcoming dawns with morning dews, and then bidding to dusks farewell, the swift-footed time leaves behind nothing more than its footprints. I stand still on a stage, where the play has a vague summary and a fuzzy ending. Yet, once again, the curtain will be raised, and I will take someone s hand and start dancing. In an autumn dusk, on a road covered in dry leaves, I reminisce over the past days of our separation, but in order for that moment not to be swallowed by eternity, I, panting heavily, walk on. When a strong-willed flowers, blooming in a wheel rut, subtly changes its expression in a split second, I exclaim in awe of the delicate elegance of its solitude, that I become at a loss, unable to bring myself to tread over it. In an autumn dusk, on a road covered in dry leaves, I reminisce over the past days of our separation, but in order for that moment not to be swallowed by eternity, I, panting heavily, walk on, allured by that flower s tail feathers. (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Romaji lyrics (transliterated by animeyay)： (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) tsuioku to boukyaku no nami ni kakato o yudanete wa kane no ne ni mukau mo yagate hiza o tsuki kuzureru otagai no mabataki ga kikoeru kurai no kyori na no ni itsu no ma ni ka maku wa orite kawaita hakushu ga narihibiku wadachi ni saita ketsudan no hana ga sotto hyoujou o kaeru shunkan mo kono kodoku sae itooshii to usobuite kechirasenu mama tohou ni kureru (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) asatsuyu de mezame o mukae tasogare o miokuru akkenai saigetsu wa ashiato gurai shika nokosezu arasuji mo ketsumatsu mo aimai na butai ni tachitsukusu sore de mo mata maku wa agaru dareka to te o tori odoridasu kareha ni somaru yuuzari no michi de ima ribetsu no hibi o shinoburedo sono setsuna sae eien ni nomikomarenu you ni iki o hazumase aruite yuku wadachi ni saita ketsudan no hana ga sotto hyoujou o kaeru shunkan mo kono kodoku sae itooshii to usobuite kechirasenu mama tohou ni kureru kareha ni somaru yuuzari no michi de ima ribetsu no hibi o shinoburedo sono setsuna sae eien ni nomikomarenu you ni iki o hazumase aruite yuku hana no obane ga sasou mama ni (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) []
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https://w.atwiki.jp/kylico/pages/64.html
NeverNote 作成日/更新日 2012.02.18/2013.10.17 OS ScientificLinux6.1 手順 目次 RPMのダウンロード インストール１ 不足モジュールのインストール インストール２ 追加パッケージ 手順 内容 RPMのダウンロード 以下のサイトからRPMをダウンロードする。 http //nevernote.sourceforge.net/ インストール１ ダウンロードしたRPMでインストールを実行するも、依存性の欠如エラーが発生してしまう。 # rpm -ivh nixnote-1.2-2.i386.rpm エラー 依存性の欠如 perl(Term ReadKey) は nixnote-1.2-2.i386 に必要とされています 不足モジュールのインストール yum install perl-TermReadKey.i686 インストール 再度インストールを実行すると、NeverNoteのインストールは成功する。 追加パッケージ 接続した時に「ssl support not found」と表示される場合、 openssl-develをインストールする。 yum install openssl-devel
https://w.atwiki.jp/vocaloidenglishlyric/pages/320.html
【Tags GonGoss Miku W tW】 Original Music Title White Letter Music Lyrics written, Voice edited by GonGoss Music arranged by GonGoss Singer 初音ミク (Hatsune Miku) Fanmade Promotional Video(s) Click here for the original Japanese Lyrics English Lyrics (translated by soundares)： Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Strange(wonder) letter arrived Small pretty envelope (With) Address in true-red and pressed flower Inside was blank letter [ ](space) line-break... that s about it Words, not any written Yet I can understand the content It was written to come "Here" When I notice (it,) I had come to "here" Invisible man was waiting I couldn t see but (it) was a man The voice, I couldn t hear Couldn t hear it though (we) got through I was told to find "That" So I started to look for "That" Without wavering(hesitation) Without a reason I ll continue on looking Tomorrow... maybe it ll be found Location of "That" Hoping (it will) I searched a lot of place It wasn t in a valley of buildings I dug sand pool but wasn t there It wasn t there beyond wall I m still looking for "that" now... Today again, I m looking for "that" Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Flip Flop Romaji lyrics (transliterated by haru47)： kumo no kirema kara hirahira fushigina tegami ga todoi ta chiisasai kireina fuutou makkana atena to oshibana naka ni wa kuuhaku no tegami [ ]（supeesu） kaigyou sore dake kotoba wa nani mo kai te nai soredemo naiyou ga wakaru "koko" ni koi to kai te atta kizuke ba "koko" made ki te i ta mie nai hito ga matte i ta mie nai keredo hito datta sono koe wa kiko e nakatta kiko e nai keredo tsuujita "sore" wo sagashi te to iwa re ta dakara "sore" wo sagashi hajime ta mayoi mo naku riyuu mo naku sagashi tsuzukeru no asu mitsukaru kamo "sore" no arika kitaishi te iron na tokoro wo sagashi ta biru no tanima ni wa nakatta sunab wo hotte mo nakatta kabe no mukou nimo nakatta ima demo "sore" wo sagashi te ru・・・ kyou mo "sore" wo sagashi te iru・・・ kumo no kirema kara hirahira kumo no kirema kara hirahira hirahira